PJ O’Rourke – “Bipartisan Consensus,” in World Affairs Winter 2008
Foreign policy has been divided, conceptually, between the “realists” and the “idealists.” The idealists who have no idea what reality is. And the realists who just plain have no idea.
There are the foreign policy experts who refuse to play the game because the quarterback on the other team wasn’t democratically selected. And there are the foreign policy experts who are eager to run with the ball but don’t know which end zone they’re supposed to be headed toward.
Ideas aren’t real. You can’t eat an idea. But you can’t deliver a beefsteak with no idea of what a cow is.
Idealists produce bad foreign policy. On the other hand, realists produce bad foreign policy. But the worst foreign policy is produced by realists and idealists working together. This is called bipartisan consensus. Those are the two most frightening words in Washington. Bipartisan consensus is like when my doctor and my lawyer agree with my wife that I need help.
World Affairs won’t be a “realist” publication, because we intend to find the facts rather than pretend that we know them already. And World Affairs won’t be an “idealist” publication, because we intend that our arguments will lead to your conclusions, not that our conclusions will lead to a bunch of arguments with you.
Alan Weisman – The World Without Us – Harper Perennial, Toronto, 2007 – pg 87 – “certain persistent species of plants and animals typically survived periods of climatic and geologic upheaval. One of these was us....whenever climate and environmental conditions grew unruly, early species of Homo outnumbered, and finally displaced, even earlier hominids. Adaptability is the key to who is fittest, one species’ extinction being another’s evolution HUMAN EVOLUTION - ADAPTABILITY
Mayans – pg 291 – Did mounting populations exhausting the land, tempting Petexbatun rulers to seize their neighbors’ property, leading to a cycle of response that spiralled into cataclysmic war? If anything...it was the other way around: An unleashed lust for wealth and power turned them into aggressors, resulting in reprisals that required their cities to abandon vulnerable outlying fields and intensify production closer to home, eventually pushing land beyond its tolerance. “society had evolved too many elites, all demanding exotic baubles.” He describes a culture wobbling under the weight of an excess of nobles, all needing quetzal feathers, jade, obsidian, fine chert, custom polychrome, fancy corbelled roofs, and animal furs. Nobility is expensive, non-productive, and parasitic, siphoning away too much of society’s energy to satisfy its frivolous cravings. MAYAN STATUS SEEKING AND DOWNFALL
Monday, November 16, 2009
Friday, November 13, 2009
He became an editor of Je suis partout, a fascist paper founded by dissidents from the Action française and led by Pierre Gaxotte. [Robert] Brasillach was attracted to the fascistic Rexist movement in Belgium, and wrote an article and later a book about the leader of the movement, Leon Degrelle. Brasillach admired what he perceived to be Degrelle's youth and charisma and Degrelle's insistence on being neither left nor right, supporting striking workers, encouraging love of the King, family and God and desiring to see the establishment of an anti-Communist and anti-Capitalist Christian-influenced corporate state.[7] Degrelle went on to collaborate with the German occupation of Belgium and served in Waffen SS.
In his A Defence of Aristocracy (1915), [Anthony] Ludovici defends aristocracy against government in popular control. In The False Assumptions of "Democracy"(1921), he attacked the democratic idea and the liberal attitude in general, as having originated in specious philosophy, wholly opposed to nature. A Defence of Conservatism (1927) defends tradition as not only a policy of preservation, but of discernment in change, writing "Man is instinctively conservative in the sense that probably millions of years of experience have taught him that a stable environment is the best for peace of mind, present and future security, automatism of action…and a ready command of material and artificial circumstances. It is the repeated introduction of new instruments, new weapons, new methods, and needs for fresh adaptations, that makes automatism impossible. And it is the complication of life by novel contributions to life's interests and duties that makes a ready command of circumstances difficult."
Ludovici's doctrines were nationalist, traditionalist, and centrally concerned with a form of eugenic reasoning. He argued that heredity can yield strong family lines, group values, and national and racial characteristics. Politicians should not only be individuals of intelligence, and knowledgeable of mankind, but also of the same stock as those they lead.
It is in the interest of the nation to maintain unique characteristics by safeguarding a native and particular potentiality of success and opportunities for self-expression and expansion. This includes a concern for the health of one’s people, that ill-health not only leads to maladaptation, but also to the decay of the strength capacity and character of the nation. "To be a good forester, a man must know how to give trees their proper health conditions, and must also know how to chop and prune them."
National prestige means power, power is safety, and safety is security. Since the conservative politician is concerned with the security and extension of his own nation’s power, he cannot tolerate anything that jeopardizes its position. In dealing with a vis major, he acts firmly and quickly; using the full might of his nation against any enemy that threatens it.
The conservative is naturally suspicious of change. He must know enough about his nation's character and potentialities, of mankind in general, and be able to judge whether new tendencies are desirable, in keeping with the eternal nature of men, or fatalistic, when they apply "only to angels, goblins, fairies or other harebrained fictions".
The conservative is concerned with the happiness of his people. When examining unhappiness amongst his people he differentiates between the type of maladaptation that arises from injustice and oppression, and that which is resultant from degeneracy or morbidity. He can meet the demands of the former easily and accomplish improvement, but in taking on the later he will only penalize the nation.
Ludovici summed up his definition: (esoteric) conservatism "is the preservation of the national identity throughout the process of change by a steady concern for the whole of the nation's life." He opposed Jews, foreigners, and 'odd people' — eccentrics, cranks and fanatics — having anything to do with government.
William Luther Pierce described his form of panentheism as being based on "[t]he idea of an evolutionary universe … with an evolution toward ever higher and higher states of self-consciousness," and his political ideas were centered on racial purity and eugenics as the means of advancing the white race first towards a superhuman state, and then towards a personal godhood. In his view, the white race represented the pinnacle of human evolution thus far and therefore it should be kept genetically separate from all other races in order to achieve its destined perfection in a collective personal godhood.
Pierce believed in a hierarchical society governed by what he saw as the essential principles of nature, including the survival of the fittest. In his social schema, the best-adapted genetic stock, which he believed to be the white race, should remain separated from other races; and within an all-white society, the most fit individuals should lead the rest. He thought that extensive programs of "racial cleansing" (mass expulsion) and of eugenics, both in Europe and in the U.S., would be necessary to achieve this socio-political program.
In his A Defence of Aristocracy (1915), [Anthony] Ludovici defends aristocracy against government in popular control. In The False Assumptions of "Democracy"(1921), he attacked the democratic idea and the liberal attitude in general, as having originated in specious philosophy, wholly opposed to nature. A Defence of Conservatism (1927) defends tradition as not only a policy of preservation, but of discernment in change, writing "Man is instinctively conservative in the sense that probably millions of years of experience have taught him that a stable environment is the best for peace of mind, present and future security, automatism of action…and a ready command of material and artificial circumstances. It is the repeated introduction of new instruments, new weapons, new methods, and needs for fresh adaptations, that makes automatism impossible. And it is the complication of life by novel contributions to life's interests and duties that makes a ready command of circumstances difficult."
Ludovici's doctrines were nationalist, traditionalist, and centrally concerned with a form of eugenic reasoning. He argued that heredity can yield strong family lines, group values, and national and racial characteristics. Politicians should not only be individuals of intelligence, and knowledgeable of mankind, but also of the same stock as those they lead.
It is in the interest of the nation to maintain unique characteristics by safeguarding a native and particular potentiality of success and opportunities for self-expression and expansion. This includes a concern for the health of one’s people, that ill-health not only leads to maladaptation, but also to the decay of the strength capacity and character of the nation. "To be a good forester, a man must know how to give trees their proper health conditions, and must also know how to chop and prune them."
National prestige means power, power is safety, and safety is security. Since the conservative politician is concerned with the security and extension of his own nation’s power, he cannot tolerate anything that jeopardizes its position. In dealing with a vis major, he acts firmly and quickly; using the full might of his nation against any enemy that threatens it.
The conservative is naturally suspicious of change. He must know enough about his nation's character and potentialities, of mankind in general, and be able to judge whether new tendencies are desirable, in keeping with the eternal nature of men, or fatalistic, when they apply "only to angels, goblins, fairies or other harebrained fictions".
The conservative is concerned with the happiness of his people. When examining unhappiness amongst his people he differentiates between the type of maladaptation that arises from injustice and oppression, and that which is resultant from degeneracy or morbidity. He can meet the demands of the former easily and accomplish improvement, but in taking on the later he will only penalize the nation.
Ludovici summed up his definition: (esoteric) conservatism "is the preservation of the national identity throughout the process of change by a steady concern for the whole of the nation's life." He opposed Jews, foreigners, and 'odd people' — eccentrics, cranks and fanatics — having anything to do with government.
William Luther Pierce described his form of panentheism as being based on "[t]he idea of an evolutionary universe … with an evolution toward ever higher and higher states of self-consciousness," and his political ideas were centered on racial purity and eugenics as the means of advancing the white race first towards a superhuman state, and then towards a personal godhood. In his view, the white race represented the pinnacle of human evolution thus far and therefore it should be kept genetically separate from all other races in order to achieve its destined perfection in a collective personal godhood.
Pierce believed in a hierarchical society governed by what he saw as the essential principles of nature, including the survival of the fittest. In his social schema, the best-adapted genetic stock, which he believed to be the white race, should remain separated from other races; and within an all-white society, the most fit individuals should lead the rest. He thought that extensive programs of "racial cleansing" (mass expulsion) and of eugenics, both in Europe and in the U.S., would be necessary to achieve this socio-political program.
fun with wikipedia
"[Alain] Soral's analysis of society focuses on what he terms "desire society",[5] promoted by the media and the cult of celebrity[citation needed]. He has especially criticised monthly women's publications, which he believes alter the conscience and relegate women to the status of "objects".[6]
As part of the debate on 'laïcité' in French schools, Soral claimed to prefer the Muslim veil to thong underwear.[7]
Soral defined himself as a Marxist, and was a member of the French Communist Party in the early 90's. He left the PCF because of his opposition to the party's renunciation of revolutionary content[citation needed]. Soral supported left-wing dissident candidate Jean-Pierre Chevènement during the 2002 presidential election[citation needed].
In 2005, Soral turned to the far-right, joining the National Front's campaign committee; he was given responsibility for social issues and for the suburbs under the authority of Marine Le Pen. Soral's personal journey has led some to compare him with Jacques Doriot, one of the neo-socialists in the early 1930s and Collaborationist under Pétain.[8] He supported the Bloc identitaire's distribution of food in January 2006.[8]"
Nick Griffin:
"Membership of the National Front declined significantly following the election of the Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher. As a result the party became more radicalised, and a dissatisfied Griffin, along with fellow NF activists Derek Holland and Patrick Harrington, began to embrace the ideals of Italian fascist Roberto Fiore (Fiore had arrived in the UK in 1980). By 1983 the group had broken away to form the NF Political Soldier faction, which advocated a revival of country "values" and a return to feudalism with the establishment of nationalist communes.[20] Writing for Bulldog in 1985, Griffin praised the black separatist Louis Farrakhan,[21] but his comments were unpopular with some members of the party.[22] He also attempted to form alliances with Libya's Colonel Gadaffi and Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini,[23] and praised the efforts of Welsh nationalist movement Meibion Glyndŵr.[24]"
Duke describes himself as a racial realist asserting that "all people have a basic human right to preserve their own heritage".[9] He speaks in favor of voluntary racial segregation and white separatism.[10][11][12]
Duke wrote a self-help book for women to raise money under the pseudonym Dorothy Vanderbilt and James Konrad, titled Finders-Keepers - Finding and Keeping the Man You Want which contains sexual, diet, fashion, cosmetic and relationship advice, published by Arlington Place Books in 1976. Professor Lawrence N. Powell, who read a rare copy of the book given to him by Patsy Sims, wrote that it includes advice on vaginal exercises, fellatio, and anal sex.[71][72][73] The book is out of print and difficult to find; however, according to Tyler Bridges, The Times-Picayune obtained a copy and traced its proceeds to Duke[74] who compiled the information from women's self-help magazines.[14]
Tyndall spent much of the 1960s developing his ideological programme. He published the book The Authoritarian State in 1962, in which he claimed that liberal democracy was a Jewish tool of world domination that needed to be replaced by authoritarianism.
Later, [John] Tyndall continued to develop his ideological programme and produced Six Principles of Nationalism (1966) which appeared to break with the neo-Nazi NSM and, instead, looked to electoral paths to government, which would be characterized by leadership, corporatism and racial purity and would be regularly ratified by referendums, bringing to mind the earlier calls of Sir Oswald Mosley who, along with his mother, Tyndall deeply respected. He would spend hours in front of a mirror perfecting Mosley's gestures. Tyndall’s new work impressed A. K. Chesterton, who at the same time was helping to reorganise the demoralised far-right.
As part of the debate on 'laïcité' in French schools, Soral claimed to prefer the Muslim veil to thong underwear.[7]
Soral defined himself as a Marxist, and was a member of the French Communist Party in the early 90's. He left the PCF because of his opposition to the party's renunciation of revolutionary content[citation needed]. Soral supported left-wing dissident candidate Jean-Pierre Chevènement during the 2002 presidential election[citation needed].
In 2005, Soral turned to the far-right, joining the National Front's campaign committee; he was given responsibility for social issues and for the suburbs under the authority of Marine Le Pen. Soral's personal journey has led some to compare him with Jacques Doriot, one of the neo-socialists in the early 1930s and Collaborationist under Pétain.[8] He supported the Bloc identitaire's distribution of food in January 2006.[8]"
Nick Griffin:
"Membership of the National Front declined significantly following the election of the Conservatives under Margaret Thatcher. As a result the party became more radicalised, and a dissatisfied Griffin, along with fellow NF activists Derek Holland and Patrick Harrington, began to embrace the ideals of Italian fascist Roberto Fiore (Fiore had arrived in the UK in 1980). By 1983 the group had broken away to form the NF Political Soldier faction, which advocated a revival of country "values" and a return to feudalism with the establishment of nationalist communes.[20] Writing for Bulldog in 1985, Griffin praised the black separatist Louis Farrakhan,[21] but his comments were unpopular with some members of the party.[22] He also attempted to form alliances with Libya's Colonel Gadaffi and Iran's Ayatollah Khomeini,[23] and praised the efforts of Welsh nationalist movement Meibion Glyndŵr.[24]"
Duke describes himself as a racial realist asserting that "all people have a basic human right to preserve their own heritage".[9] He speaks in favor of voluntary racial segregation and white separatism.[10][11][12]
Duke wrote a self-help book for women to raise money under the pseudonym Dorothy Vanderbilt and James Konrad, titled Finders-Keepers - Finding and Keeping the Man You Want which contains sexual, diet, fashion, cosmetic and relationship advice, published by Arlington Place Books in 1976. Professor Lawrence N. Powell, who read a rare copy of the book given to him by Patsy Sims, wrote that it includes advice on vaginal exercises, fellatio, and anal sex.[71][72][73] The book is out of print and difficult to find; however, according to Tyler Bridges, The Times-Picayune obtained a copy and traced its proceeds to Duke[74] who compiled the information from women's self-help magazines.[14]
Tyndall spent much of the 1960s developing his ideological programme. He published the book The Authoritarian State in 1962, in which he claimed that liberal democracy was a Jewish tool of world domination that needed to be replaced by authoritarianism.
Later, [John] Tyndall continued to develop his ideological programme and produced Six Principles of Nationalism (1966) which appeared to break with the neo-Nazi NSM and, instead, looked to electoral paths to government, which would be characterized by leadership, corporatism and racial purity and would be regularly ratified by referendums, bringing to mind the earlier calls of Sir Oswald Mosley who, along with his mother, Tyndall deeply respected. He would spend hours in front of a mirror perfecting Mosley's gestures. Tyndall’s new work impressed A. K. Chesterton, who at the same time was helping to reorganise the demoralised far-right.
Richard Bernstein - Dictatorship of Virtue - 1995 version
pg 355 - "the point is that multiculturalism as an adversary culture remains dominant within the elite institutions. its assumptions are unchanged: that there is no single national culture but several cultures defined by race and ethnicity; that all cultures are equal and all cultures made equal contributions to American civilization; that the ineradicable ingredient of American life is its oppressiveness and unfairness to women and minorities; that the country is changing its nature and we must make radical changes to be prepared for the new "diversity"; that instilling ethnic and racial self-esteem is the main task of education; that the remediation of attitudes about race and gender (and sometimes the prosecution of those attitudes) should be ever more important goals of our society.
multiculturaism in this sense is an ideology that is unaware of itself as an ideology. it is presumed to embody virtue, and virtue needs to brook no opposition. in reality, however, multiculturalism is not virtue. it is a new entitlement, being presented as virtue as a way of forestalling opposition
pg 355 - "the point is that multiculturalism as an adversary culture remains dominant within the elite institutions. its assumptions are unchanged: that there is no single national culture but several cultures defined by race and ethnicity; that all cultures are equal and all cultures made equal contributions to American civilization; that the ineradicable ingredient of American life is its oppressiveness and unfairness to women and minorities; that the country is changing its nature and we must make radical changes to be prepared for the new "diversity"; that instilling ethnic and racial self-esteem is the main task of education; that the remediation of attitudes about race and gender (and sometimes the prosecution of those attitudes) should be ever more important goals of our society.
multiculturaism in this sense is an ideology that is unaware of itself as an ideology. it is presumed to embody virtue, and virtue needs to brook no opposition. in reality, however, multiculturalism is not virtue. it is a new entitlement, being presented as virtue as a way of forestalling opposition
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